By Hanna Kebbede
I had the opportunity to work in Ethiopia during the 1970s and was one of the pioneers of my generation engaged in fieldwork for rural development. As a consequence of my research work, I lived and worked in eleven regions except Tigray and Eritrea both considered war zones at the time. My love for Ethiopia grew during those years when I lived among peasant families and got to know my native homeland. I developed a genuine appreciation for the diversity of its culture, found profound generosity of spirit and fell in love with the people.Ethiopia will always be a part of me, so much of its culture and tradition are part of my genetic information. I crave the spicy food, reminisce my childhood and youth, tune into lamenting traditional music and practice rituals of congeniality. I carry the pain for injustice that occurs and sorrow for all the wasted lives especially for the youth. I have a vivid memory of young boys and girls walking several miles to and from school barefoot and hungry. After many years on this journey, the vast majority have virtually no opportunity to enter college unless they leave the country. Such thoughts bother me because I have not detached from the motherland at my viscera. However, there is a degree of disengagement from feeling helpless, overwhelmed and out of the loop. It complicates any considerations about going back to Ethiopia or even staying for an extended period of time. I love the short visits with family and old friends; enjoy going to Langano and Dire Dawa, but after a while I am ready to come back.I sense that Ethiopia is now a fractured society with a deep chasm between those who never left and those who return from abroad. The rift is all the more pronounced because some escaped the tormenting days of the Mengistu regime. There is evidence of erosion in ethical values and moral principles mostly attributed to the onslaught of the socialist revolution. On its demise, excessive materialism and cut throat competitiveness took the wave of cultural deterioration. Values for personal integrity, word of honor, ethical principle, moral obligation, professionalism and good will are rare and we are astonished when we find them in business or personal relationships. Ethiopia’s communal values are replaced by rugged individualism that justifies the end by any means necessary. With the quality of education spiraling downward it is easy for ill conceived ideas to get adopted by urban communities. These ideas then trickle into the rural communities as desirable elements of progress and modernization. What is the ethos of Ethiopian society today? I guess in the past it was warriorship (gagninet), and it was tied with protecting the land (dar dinber). What is the state of the family? The Mengistu regime and the socialist revolution are to blame for the instability of family authority but the state of children and youth has now reached a critical point. What about the status of women? Whatever strides were made then to protect women against domestic violence, rape and economic injustice, have gone retrograde. Since I left Ethiopia in 1981, my identity as an Ethiopian has put me on an emotional roller coaster. In spite of my attachments, I feel somehow disconnected from the current Ethiopia and often wonder how many others may actually feel as I do? A part of me wants to believe that I have already paid my dues, but the little voice inside says that I need to give back more. A part of me is convinced that serving humanity is the same anywhere yet I feel especially responsible for my native land. My ancestors’ are etched in my mind like my grandmother who lost several sons in the Italian war. She wore black until the day she died and had great pride in her sons who fell defending their nation. I feel as though she entrusted something over to me and I somehow let her down. All of my conflicting inner voices could not drown my passion for Ethiopia. I am constantly provoked by ideas that may help transform the society, but the challenge to reconnect still remains. Economic investments are changing Ethiopia’s physical landscape, but there is lack of ethical principles and moral grounding. Antiquated practices that belittle women, oppress the underdog, and neglect the basic rights of every individual indicate a community’s broken spirit. While I admire people who returned to Ethiopia and are making a difference, I also note how posturing sophisticates segregate themselves in Addis Ababa. They are as much responsible for perpetrating the rift as those who harbor resentment and bitterness over their lot. Ethiopians are fragmented into small communities defined by economic status, social values, political convictions, religious beliefs, and ethnic identity. There is lack of cohesiveness as a community. We need a monumental shift to appreciate our differences and thrive as a nation of diversity. Investing in enlightened thinking to evolve fatalism to positivism, competition to cooperation, and individualism to communalism, might seem like three steps back and some might argue it smells of feudalism. Cut throat competition leads to mental anxiety and depression caused by relentless pressure for success. A fragmented social fabric leads to a high rate of teen age suicide where the elderly are obsolete and substance abuse is the answer to numbing the pain. Is this the vision my grandmother had of Ethiopia when she entrusted it to me? I know her feudal days were unjust to many but there was an unwritten code that even I knew as a child. Personal integrity and honor to preserve the good name of the family were worth more than the mighty dollar. In such moral code were bundled respect for others, good will, consideration, sharing, discretion, rule of law, and many other social values for which people made personal sacrifices every day. While I offer no ready solution, I submit that investing in Ethiopia’s cultural and social development is imperative even to the nation’s sustainable economic growth.Hanna Kebbede worked as planning and management consultant and trainer in several countries in Africa, Asia and Europe with the United Nations and other international organizations. She has an MPA from Harvard University and a BA in Sociology from Washington State University. Hanna lives in Arlington, VA and owns her own business as a content developer, business and technical writer for web and print media. More information on http://www.hanmark.biz
Saturday, April 7, 2007
Friday, March 9, 2007
Racial Sterotype
True Story
Her hesitation about joining them in the elevator was all too obvious now. Her face was flushed. She couldn’t just stand there, so with a mighty effort of will she picked up one foot and stepped forward and followed with the other foot and was on the elevator. Avoiding eye contact, she turned around stiffly and faced the elevator doors as they closed. A second passed, and another second, and then another. Her fear increased! The elevator didn’t move. Panic consumed her. My God, she thought, I’ am trapped and about to be robbed! Her heart plummeted. Perspiration poured from every pore. Then on of the men said, “Hit the floor” Instinct told her to do what they told her. The bucket of quarters flew upwards as she threw out her arms and collapsed on the elevator floor. A shower of coins rained down on her. Take my money and spare me, she prayed.
More seconds passed. She heard one of the men say politely, “Ma’am, if you’ll just tell us what floor you’re going to, we’ll push the button” The one who said it had a little trouble getting the words out. He was trying mightily to hold in a belly laugh. The woman lifted her head and looked up at the two men. They reached down to help her up. Confused, she struggled to her feet. “When I told my friend here to hit the floor, “said the average sized one, “I meant that he should hit the elevator button for our floor. I didn’t mean for you to hit the floor, ma’am “He spoke genially. He bit his lip. It was obvious he was having a hard time not laughing. The woman thought: My God, what a spectacle I’ve made of myself. She was humiliated to speak. She wanted to blurt out an apology, but words failed her. How do you apologize to two perfectly respectable gentlemen for behaving as though they were going to rob you? She didn’t know what to say. The three of them gathered up the strewn quarters and refilled her bucket. When the elevator arrived at her floor they then insisted on walking her to her room. She seemed a little unsteady on her feet, and they were afraid she might not make it down the corridor. At her door they bid her a good evening. As she slipped into her room she could hear them roaring with laughter as they walked back to the elevator. The woman brushed herself off. She pulled herself together and went downstairs for dinner with her husband.
The next morning flowers were delivered to her room- a dozen roses. Attached each rose was a crisp one hundred dollar bill. The card said: “Thanks for the best laugh we’ve had in years” it was signed; Eddie Murphy, Michael Jordan
Friday, March 2, 2007
Meet Marcus Samuelsson
My journey to becoming a chef was a circuitous one. I was born in Ethiopia and adopted by a Swedish family after my mother died in a tuberculosis epidemic when I was three years old. My Swedish grandmother was a terrific cook -- she'd worked at an inn on the Swedish coast where she cooked three meals a day, six days a week for several years -- and by the time I was six, I was spending countless hours with her in the kitchen. She had an immense respect for food and and passed along her knowledge and passion for fine ingredients and flawless techniques. We made breads and cookies and all the traditional Swedish dishes like gravlax, meatballs, and salt-cured duck. I loved everything she prepared, so it came as no surprise to anyone when I decided to become a chef and enrolled in cooking school at 14. I went on to apprentice in France, Austria, and Switzerland before landing as executive chef of Aquavit in 1996.At Aquavit, I blend the traditional Swedish cooking of my childhood with classic French techniques, the exacting precision of traditional Austrian pastry making, and the exciting flavors I've discovered in New York and on my travels. Because a good meal should engage all the senses, I think it's important to add exciting flavors for the palate and dramatic impact for the eyes. I'm always looking for new and interesting ways to add excitement to food presentation, whether it's serving fish on glass blocks that conjure up images of ice or using tiles to present small bites of food that people can eat with their hands. It's less formal, more interesting, and a whole lot more fun.
My cooking is a very personal reflection of my life, combining European, American, and African influences with inspiration from my travels around the world. I look forward to sharing these influences with you here on Yahoo! and to hearing about your own adventures in the kitchen. Please send in your thoughts, questions, and recipe requests and let's inspire each other to discover a wonderful world of flavors
March 21 is International Day......
March 21, 1990 is the 30th anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre in South Africa when peaceful demonstrators against aphartheid were wounded and killed. In commemoration of this tragic event, the United nations declared March 21 the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in 1966.
On December 20, 1983, the general Assembly of the UN called upon all states and organizations to participate in the program of action for the second decade to combat racism and racial discrimination.
On March 21,1986, the Canadian Prime Minister proclaimed in the house of commons Canada's participation in the second decade and called on all Canadians to join together in "extending their efforts to insure the rapid eradication of racism and racial discrimination and the realization of mutual understanding, respect, equality and justice for all Canadisns."
In September 1988, ministers attending a federal/provincial/territorial ministerial conference on human rights agreed to commemorate March 21 in all Canadian Jurisdictions.
On December 20, 1983, the general Assembly of the UN called upon all states and organizations to participate in the program of action for the second decade to combat racism and racial discrimination.
On March 21,1986, the Canadian Prime Minister proclaimed in the house of commons Canada's participation in the second decade and called on all Canadians to join together in "extending their efforts to insure the rapid eradication of racism and racial discrimination and the realization of mutual understanding, respect, equality and justice for all Canadisns."
In September 1988, ministers attending a federal/provincial/territorial ministerial conference on human rights agreed to commemorate March 21 in all Canadian Jurisdictions.
Monday, February 26, 2007
Saturday, February 10, 2007
Emperor Yohannes
When Tewodros (emperor from 1855 to 1868) died in 1868, three men emerged hoping to become the next emperor: Wagshum Gobaze Gebre Medhen of Lasta, King Menelik II of Shewa, and Dajazmach Kassa Mercha of Tigray. Wagshum Gobaze was the ruler of Amhara, Wag, and Lasta (Pankhurst, R. 1998, 162). When Tewodros was killed, Gobaze occupied Gondar and crowned himself Emperor Tekle Giyorgis II. No one took his coronation seriously because there was no abun (Prouty, C. and Rosenfeld, E. 1982, 169). The second aspiring man, Menelik, became prominent once he escaped from Tewodros’ imprisonment in 1865. After his escape, with the support of family and friends, he became the ruler of the province of Shewa. But it was the third man, the one who wanted the title the least, who became the next true leader of Ethiopia.In early 1868, the British force seeking Tewodros’ surrender, after he refused to release imprisoned British subjects, arrived on the coast of Massawa. The British and Dajazmach Kassa came to an agreement in which Kassa would let the British pass through Tigray (the British were going to Magdala which Tewodros had made his capital) in exchange for money and weapons. Surely enough, when the British completed their mission and were leaving the country, they rewarded Kassa for his cooperation with artillery, muskets, rifles, and munitions, all in all worth approximately £500,000 (Marcus 2002, 71-72). This formidable gift came in handy when in July 1871 the current emperor, Emperor Tekle Giyorgis II, attacked Kassa at his capital in Adwa, for Kassa had refused to be named a ras or pay tribute (Marcus, H. 2002, 72). Although Kassa’s army was outnumbered 12,000 to the emperor’s 60,000, Kassa’s army was equipped with more modern weapons and better trained. At battle’s end, forty percent of the emperor’s men had been captured. The emperor was imprisoned and would die a year later. Six months later on 21 January 1872, Kassa became the new emperor under the name Yohannes IV (Zewde, B. 2001, 43)
The first major opposition the emperor faced was the expansionist Egyptians, who were highly
interested in spreading their territory further south. The Sultan of the Ottoman Empire had ceded Massawa to the Egyptians in 1867. The Egyptians also had control of most of northern Sudan (Henze, P. 2000, 146-7). In 1874, an Egyptian army captured the Ethiopian cities of Bogos and Keren, both near the Sudanese border. The Egyptians had also occupied the port of Zula and all ports south of the Massawa, establishing an embargo preventing import of weapons into Ethiopia (Marcus 2002, 73-4). In 1875, the Egyptians took Harar. Yohannes had tried to appeal to European leaders but was completely ignored because Egypt was economically superior (Henze, P. 2000, 147).
After Yohannes' peaceful attempts to resolve the situation failed, he declared war on the Egyptians on 23 October 1875. In November 1875, the Egyptian army met Yohannes’ well-prepared troops at Gundat. The Egyptian army lost one-third of its men, including their commander. The Egyptians returned 4 months latter with a better-equipped army, numbering 15,000 – 20,000 (Henze, P. 2000, 147-8). The three-day battle in March of 1876 in Gura left all but 500 Egyptians dead, wounded, or captured. Yohannes was also able to confiscate “12,000-13,000 Remington rifles, sixteen cannons, munitions, and other … booty.” (Marcus, H 2002, 75) In the following years, both countries attempted to come to a diplomatic solution. Nothing came out of it for Ethiopia’s demands, that Egypt unoccupy land belonging to Ethiopia, was unacceptable to the Egyptians. At the same time, Egypt was breaking apart internally and in northern Sudan, which had been part of Egyptian territory, a Muslim Mahdist movement had broken out and replaced Egyptian authority as well as emerge as a threat to Ethiopia. The British came to Egypt’s defense in 1884 and made an arrangement between the three countries and a treaty was arranged, know as the Adwa (or Hewett) Peace Treaty. According to the treaty, Egypt would give back Ethiopian lands if Ethiopia assisted in the evacuation of Egyptian troops out of Sudan. After Ethiopia had carried out its part, Ethiopia was able to regain all former land except for its ports. (Zewde, B. 2001, 54-5).
With Egypt being in a such a weak position and Ethiopia not yet being strong enough to face a European power in war, the British were very concerned of French intentions in the Horn of Africa, for the French were already settled nearby in Tajura (in modern day Djibouti). The British figured that the best way to keep the French in check was to have a large presence in Ethiopia (Marcus, H. 2002, 82-3). So in early 1885, the British had convinced the Italians, a British alley, to take over Massawa. In doing so, it will soon be shown what the British had done towards Ethiopia was to take ‘one weak enemy [Egypt] for two strong ones, the Mahdist state and Italy.’ (Sven Rubenson qtd in Zewde, B. 2001, 55)
One of the first things that the Italians did in Massawa was to stop the import of weapons into Ethiopia from the Red Sea. By 1886, they were starting to penetrate into Ethiopian territory. They occupied two cities near Massawa, Saati and Wia, which according to the Adwa Peace Treaty, had been decided was part of Ethiopian territory. The following year, Ras Alula, the emperor’s chief commander, attacked the Italians and chased them away from the two cities (Pankhurst, R. 1998, 171-2). The Italians did not take this blow served by the Ethiopians lightly:
“The call for revenge was heard in the streets [of Italy] as well as in the government chambers. [The Italian] Parliament voted for an appropriation of 20 million lire for the defense of Massawa and its environs. A special force of 5,000 men was organized to reinforce the existing troops. Roads and bridges were built and repaired in an effort to strengthen the infrastructure for the future military action. Simultaneously, the policy of instigating Menelik to act against Yohannes was intensified.” (Zewde, B. 2001, 57)
Both countries called upon Britain as an arbitrator, both believing they were in the right. The British needed Italy to counter French threat and thus proposed that Italy be allowed to occupy Saati and Wia. The British also proposed that Yohannes should publicly apologize to the Italians. A very angry Yohannes took some 80,000 men to Saati for once and all to finish the issue with the Italians. However, the Italians refused to come out of their fort to fight. Yohannes had no choice but to retreat because he was running out of food and supplies (Pankhurst, R. 1998, 172-3).
When Yohannes has signed the Adwa Peace Treaty to take back his land, the price to pay seemed small: assist in the evacuation of Egyptian troops out of Mahdist Muslim dominated area of Sudan. But now that Egypt did not have control of Sudan, the Mahdist Muslims were prepared to make Ethiopia punish for her interference. They began by attacking the western frontiers of Gojjam and Begemder. At the time, the emperor was preoccupied with the Italians at Saati and couldn’t be of any assistance. So it fell upon Tekle Haymanot, the ruler of Gojjam, to lead Ethiopia without the assistance of the emperor. Unfortunately, he was no match against the Mahdist Muslims and they inflicted heavy loses upon his army. He could not do anything as they marched on Gondar in 1888 and burned the city down. The Mahdist Muslim threat was temporarily suspended only once the emperor had called upon Menelik to defend Gojjam and Begemder. When Menelik was returning to Shewa after his campaigns in Begemder and Gojjam, him and Tekle Haymanot, who had been rivals beforehand, forged an agreement to work together against the emperor.
When Yohannes returned from his unsuccessful campaign in Saati, he invaded and ravaged Gojjam for Tekle Haymanot’s rebellious intentions (Henze, P. 2000, 158-9). After the ravage of Gojjam, Yohannes won back Tekle Haymanot’s loyalty and was preparing to attack Menelik in Shewa. Meanwhile, Menelik has made an arrangement with the Italians for a double attack on Yohannes. The Italians were going to attack from Massawa and Menelik from Shewa. The Italians has supplied Menelik with enough weapons to assure victory. But as it happened, the match between Yohannes and Menelik never occurred for once again when the Mahdist Muslims began to attack Begemder, the emperor abandoned his plans on attacking Menelik and ran off to face the Mahdist Muslims (Marcus, H. 2002, 86-7).
This combat with the Mahdist Muslims, know as the Battle of Matamma, was to be Yohannes’ last:
“..on 9 March [1889] when the battle opened, it appeared as if God favored the Ethiopians. The emperor and his command breached the center of the Mahdist lines and surged forward toward victory until Yohannes was shot, first in the right hand, and then, as he again advanced, by a bullet that lodged mortally in his chest. The Christians wavered and then broke, giving an undeserved triumph to the Muslims. With his dying breaths, Yohannes declared his natural son, Dej. Mengesha, heir…On 25 March 1889, when Menelik learned about the tragedy at Metema, he immediately proclaimed himself negus negast, king of kings.” (Marcus, H. 2002, 87-9).
Tuesday, January 30, 2007
Emperor Menelik
Please sit back and enjoy reading this interesting biographical history of Emperor Menelik
Emeye Menelik Abba Dagnew: Emperor of Ethiopia
Ghelawdewos Araia
October 4 2006
Emperor Menelik II was born as Sahlemariam to King Hailemelekot and Weizero Ejigayehu in 1844. Menelik, apparently claimed his descent from the House of Abeto Yacob, one of the siblings of Emperor Libne Dingil, but there is no doubt that he is the grandson of King Sahleselassie of Shewa.
At the age of eleven, Menelik was abducted by Emperor Tewodros and was imprisoned at Meqdella. After nine years of incarceration, however, thanks to the cunning ability and surreptitious operation of Weizero Ejigayehu’s loylas, Menelik managed to escape from Meqdella on July 1865.
After Meqdella, Menelik ruled over Shewa as king and undisputed sovereign for 12 years. But in 1877, Emperor Yohannes’ formidable force had come to Shewa and Menelik had no choice but to submit to the Emperor, and thus he wis
ely secured an authoritative position within the Empire and his Shewan governorship. And soon after his successful escape from Meqdella, Menelik was attracted to the beautiful and charming Weizero Bafena who was much older than him. Bafena was wedded several times and had 8 children from her previous marriages. Menelik was probably attracted to her wealth and political clout, on top of her beauty, in the Merhabete district where she is from originally. Although Menelik was not polygamous, he was a womanizer nonetheless. He lived with Bafena for 17 years but he had several other women from whom he begot several children. One of these women is Weleteselassie (a Guraghe) who had two sons by Menelik. Therefore, Tekelesadiq Mekuria’s contention "Menelik had no son to name as his successor" is not true. The second wife of Menelik was Weizero Benchi who gave birth to Zewditu; a third one was Weizero Dessela, apparently a servant in the royal house turned a Chin-gered or a maid wife, who was by all measure a beautiful young lady and who gave birth to Shewaregga (later wedded to Ras Michael of Wello and gave birth to Lij Eyasu); the fourth one was Aletash Tewodros who was also once legally married to Menelik; and of course, the fifth lady of Menelik was the astute and most powerful woman in Ethiopia, Weizero Taitu Bitul, later empress. With respect to several marriages, however, Menelik and Taitu were even. Taitu was married four times before she was wedded to her fifth husband, Menelik Abba Dagnew.
In the same year Emperor Yohannes dispatched his punitive forces to Shewa, Bafena planned a coup d’etat against Menelik and attempted to bring to power Meshesha Seifu (her son-in-law) assisted by Muammed Ali (later Ras Michael), her other son-in-law. Ironically, the stepmother of Muammed Ali, Weizero Werqitu (an Oromo) was the spearhead, along with Weizero Ejigayehu, in the plan for Menelik’s escape from Meqdella. In any event, Bafena’s coup was abortive and her land was confiscated but later she was given a chance to rehabilitate by order of Menelik.
After the martyrdom of Emperor Yohannes in March 1889, Menelik became emperor of Ethiopia on May of the same year and he also signed the Treaty of Wuchale that duly recognized the Mereb Millash (later Eritrea) as Italian colony in the same month and year. Now, Menelik, the sovereign power, began to enjoy the submission of prominent Ethiopian dignitaries such as Negus Teklehaimanot of Gojjam, Wag Seyoum Birru of Lasta, Dejach Woldeselassie of Simien, and the son of Emperor Tewodros, Ras Meshesha. These aristocrats, at the higher echelon of the Ethiopian hierarchy, at least tacitly acknowledged Menelik as the legitimate emperor of Ethiopia. Exception to the rule was Ras Mengesha Yohannes of Tigray, who initially claimed heir to the throne and opposed Menelik’s legitimacy to sovereign power, but gradually he too joined the chorus of the above leaders. Mengesha, however, made a wise move because given the Italian menace from Eritrea, his quarrel with his Tigrayan aristocrats (Ras Alula and Ras Sebhat) and the unmatched hegemony of Menelik; he had no choice but to submit to Aba Dagnew.
Once Menelik secured recognition from prominent Ethiopian leaders and managed to consolidate the reigns of power, he ventured on a major agenda of modernizing Ethiopia as we shall see later, but he was completely preoccupied by a historic mission to preserve Ethiopia’s independence. Although he was a good friend of the Italians during the whole reign of Emperor Yohannes, he was at loggerheads with them on a number of occasions. The Italians were at once benefactors and detractors to his own existence. In January 1895, the Italians managed to defeat the Kitet army of Ras Mengesha in Tigray, where at least one thousand of the latter’s troops including Dejazmach Tedla, Dejazmach Beyene, Dejazmach Kassa, Kegnazmach Endargachew, and Shum Agame Tesfai (Hentalo), were sacrificed. Moreover, as part of the Kitet army and as commanders in the forefront, "Kegnazmach Hailemariam, Azmach Abraha, Dejazmach Zegeye Aba Gebru, and Kegnazmach Sebhat (from Akeleguzai)"1 became sacrificial lambs. Ras Mengesha himself was wounded at the battle of Koatit but he proved to the Italians and to his fellow Ethiopians that he was a superb military tactician at least in terms of resisting the relatively superior firearms of the Italians.
The defeat of Kitet inevitably became an Italian nightmare to Menelik. Indeed, the Emperor was compelled to mobilize his forces, unite the Ethiopian people, and march against the Italians beginning February 1895 and headed toward Amba Alagie where the Italian forces garrisoned. He delegated responsibilities at his palace to his uncle Ras Darge and Dejach Hailemariam as his assistant. The brave and gallant Empress Taitu, of course, marched along with her husband but with her own troops. Incidentally, the Empress’ sister Weizero Azalech was one of the brave Ethiopian women who were at the forefront of the battle of Adwa. Ras Mekonnen, in effect, was the chief of staff, and other prominent commanders such as Ras Wolie, Ras Michael, Ras Mengesha Yohannes, Ras Mengesha Atikem, Ras Alula, Dejach Woldie, Fitewrari Gebeyehu, Fitewrari Tecle, Liqemekuas Adnew, and Kegnazmach Tafesse participated at Amba Alagie.
At Amba Alagie, despite strategic advantage, the Italians were defeated after two hours of intense fighting on either side. They retreated to Mekelle with Ethiopian pursuance, and the siege of Mekelle ensued soon after Alagie. Two months after Mekelle, the battle
of Adwa was fought on March 1, 1896, where Ethiopians again scored a resounding victory. At Adwa, other prominent Ethiopian leaders like Negus Teklehaimanot of Gojjam, Ras Michael of Wello, Ras Sebhat Aregawi and Dejach Hagos Teferi of Tigray closed ranks with their Ethiopian brethren. For a detailed version of the battle of Adwa, please see www.africanidea.org/ethiopian_victory.html 2
When the victorious Menelik returned to Addis Ababa, Jubilant Ethiopians gave him a hero’s welcome with much fanfare and euphoria and in his praise and his honor and to other Ethiopian leaders as well.
Emeye Menelik Abba Dagnew: Emperor of Ethiopia
Ghelawdewos Araia
October 4 2006
Emperor Menelik II was born as Sahlemariam to King Hailemelekot and Weizero Ejigayehu in 1844. Menelik, apparently claimed his descent from the House of Abeto Yacob, one of the siblings of Emperor Libne Dingil, but there is no doubt that he is the grandson of King Sahleselassie of Shewa.
At the age of eleven, Menelik was abducted by Emperor Tewodros and was imprisoned at Meqdella. After nine years of incarceration, however, thanks to the cunning ability and surreptitious operation of Weizero Ejigayehu’s loylas, Menelik managed to escape from Meqdella on July 1865.
After Meqdella, Menelik ruled over Shewa as king and undisputed sovereign for 12 years. But in 1877, Emperor Yohannes’ formidable force had come to Shewa and Menelik had no choice but to submit to the Emperor, and thus he wis
ely secured an authoritative position within the Empire and his Shewan governorship. And soon after his successful escape from Meqdella, Menelik was attracted to the beautiful and charming Weizero Bafena who was much older than him. Bafena was wedded several times and had 8 children from her previous marriages. Menelik was probably attracted to her wealth and political clout, on top of her beauty, in the Merhabete district where she is from originally. Although Menelik was not polygamous, he was a womanizer nonetheless. He lived with Bafena for 17 years but he had several other women from whom he begot several children. One of these women is Weleteselassie (a Guraghe) who had two sons by Menelik. Therefore, Tekelesadiq Mekuria’s contention "Menelik had no son to name as his successor" is not true. The second wife of Menelik was Weizero Benchi who gave birth to Zewditu; a third one was Weizero Dessela, apparently a servant in the royal house turned a Chin-gered or a maid wife, who was by all measure a beautiful young lady and who gave birth to Shewaregga (later wedded to Ras Michael of Wello and gave birth to Lij Eyasu); the fourth one was Aletash Tewodros who was also once legally married to Menelik; and of course, the fifth lady of Menelik was the astute and most powerful woman in Ethiopia, Weizero Taitu Bitul, later empress. With respect to several marriages, however, Menelik and Taitu were even. Taitu was married four times before she was wedded to her fifth husband, Menelik Abba Dagnew.In the same year Emperor Yohannes dispatched his punitive forces to Shewa, Bafena planned a coup d’etat against Menelik and attempted to bring to power Meshesha Seifu (her son-in-law) assisted by Muammed Ali (later Ras Michael), her other son-in-law. Ironically, the stepmother of Muammed Ali, Weizero Werqitu (an Oromo) was the spearhead, along with Weizero Ejigayehu, in the plan for Menelik’s escape from Meqdella. In any event, Bafena’s coup was abortive and her land was confiscated but later she was given a chance to rehabilitate by order of Menelik.
After the martyrdom of Emperor Yohannes in March 1889, Menelik became emperor of Ethiopia on May of the same year and he also signed the Treaty of Wuchale that duly recognized the Mereb Millash (later Eritrea) as Italian colony in the same month and year. Now, Menelik, the sovereign power, began to enjoy the submission of prominent Ethiopian dignitaries such as Negus Teklehaimanot of Gojjam, Wag Seyoum Birru of Lasta, Dejach Woldeselassie of Simien, and the son of Emperor Tewodros, Ras Meshesha. These aristocrats, at the higher echelon of the Ethiopian hierarchy, at least tacitly acknowledged Menelik as the legitimate emperor of Ethiopia. Exception to the rule was Ras Mengesha Yohannes of Tigray, who initially claimed heir to the throne and opposed Menelik’s legitimacy to sovereign power, but gradually he too joined the chorus of the above leaders. Mengesha, however, made a wise move because given the Italian menace from Eritrea, his quarrel with his Tigrayan aristocrats (Ras Alula and Ras Sebhat) and the unmatched hegemony of Menelik; he had no choice but to submit to Aba Dagnew.
Once Menelik secured recognition from prominent Ethiopian leaders and managed to consolidate the reigns of power, he ventured on a major agenda of modernizing Ethiopia as we shall see later, but he was completely preoccupied by a historic mission to preserve Ethiopia’s independence. Although he was a good friend of the Italians during the whole reign of Emperor Yohannes, he was at loggerheads with them on a number of occasions. The Italians were at once benefactors and detractors to his own existence. In January 1895, the Italians managed to defeat the Kitet army of Ras Mengesha in Tigray, where at least one thousand of the latter’s troops including Dejazmach Tedla, Dejazmach Beyene, Dejazmach Kassa, Kegnazmach Endargachew, and Shum Agame Tesfai (Hentalo), were sacrificed. Moreover, as part of the Kitet army and as commanders in the forefront, "Kegnazmach Hailemariam, Azmach Abraha, Dejazmach Zegeye Aba Gebru, and Kegnazmach Sebhat (from Akeleguzai)"1 became sacrificial lambs. Ras Mengesha himself was wounded at the battle of Koatit but he proved to the Italians and to his fellow Ethiopians that he was a superb military tactician at least in terms of resisting the relatively superior firearms of the Italians.
The defeat of Kitet inevitably became an Italian nightmare to Menelik. Indeed, the Emperor was compelled to mobilize his forces, unite the Ethiopian people, and march against the Italians beginning February 1895 and headed toward Amba Alagie where the Italian forces garrisoned. He delegated responsibilities at his palace to his uncle Ras Darge and Dejach Hailemariam as his assistant. The brave and gallant Empress Taitu, of course, marched along with her husband but with her own troops. Incidentally, the Empress’ sister Weizero Azalech was one of the brave Ethiopian women who were at the forefront of the battle of Adwa. Ras Mekonnen, in effect, was the chief of staff, and other prominent commanders such as Ras Wolie, Ras Michael, Ras Mengesha Yohannes, Ras Mengesha Atikem, Ras Alula, Dejach Woldie, Fitewrari Gebeyehu, Fitewrari Tecle, Liqemekuas Adnew, and Kegnazmach Tafesse participated at Amba Alagie.
At Amba Alagie, despite strategic advantage, the Italians were defeated after two hours of intense fighting on either side. They retreated to Mekelle with Ethiopian pursuance, and the siege of Mekelle ensued soon after Alagie. Two months after Mekelle, the battle
of Adwa was fought on March 1, 1896, where Ethiopians again scored a resounding victory. At Adwa, other prominent Ethiopian leaders like Negus Teklehaimanot of Gojjam, Ras Michael of Wello, Ras Sebhat Aregawi and Dejach Hagos Teferi of Tigray closed ranks with their Ethiopian brethren. For a detailed version of the battle of Adwa, please see www.africanidea.org/ethiopian_victory.html 2
When the victorious Menelik returned to Addis Ababa, Jubilant Ethiopians gave him a hero’s welcome with much fanfare and euphoria and in his praise and his honor and to other Ethiopian leaders as well.
Following Adwa, the question of Eritrea, which had been contentious after the treaty of Wuchale, was revitalized. Ras Alula was of the opinion that the triumphant Ethiopian troops pursue the Italian forces in disarray and regain Mereb Millash, his former dominion. Menelik did not accept Alula’s ideas and he was more interested in consolidating his empire by incorporating leftovers of the grand southern conquest.
The post-Adwa Ethiopian politics, however, is subject to interpretation. Eritreans of the times who joined hands with their Ethiopian brethren felt betrayed by Menelik when Eritrea was left intact for the Italian colonizers. Some chroniclers of oral tradition opined that ‘Menelik was genuinely scared by his erstwhile Tigrayan rivals and did not want to encourage the unity of greater Tigray.’ This may have a grain of truth, because as per Italian documents some Ethiopian forces have marched beyond Adwa to Gurae; others, including Dejach Sengal (brother of Bahata Hagos of Akeleguzai) went up to Belessa, and the forces of Ras Sebhat had effectively disconnected the communication networks of the Italians between Asmera and Adigrat. In spite of this reality, however, all of a sudden the bulk of Ethiopian troops assembled at Mai Feres were ordered to march back to Shewa and other parts of Ethiopia, or their respective regions such as Wello and/or Gojjam.
Interestingly, a letter written by Menelik on March 26, 1889 (in retrospect) is most fitting to the above interpretation of Menelik’s indecision to reclaim Eritrea:
"From: Menelik II of Shewa, Harar, Keffa, and the Galla Territories
To: The powerful and friend King Umberto
In Ginbot 1, 1881, a very tragic incident happened at Metema. The King of Kings Yohannes went there with the entire army to fight the Dervish but he was defeated, wounded and killed. In the meantime, till my messengers come to you along with Antonelli and till I confide to you what is in my guts, I beg you to convey a message to your generals at Massawa and instruct them not to listen to the rebels in Tigray, nor give them any military hardware. Let your Majesty’s troops consolidate at Asmera. I beg you to control and reinforce the roads by your defense forces. I have the audacity to tell you this, because by his grace God will grant me the throne to which I have a mandate and that I have wished to acquire for a long time now. It is also because He [God] will render Ethiopia peace and tranquility."4
But to be fair to Menelik, we must also acknowledge his stance, the exact opposite of what he wrote to King Umberto, against the Italians when they made initial advances from Massawa to Asmera:
"Were we not once friends? Why then have you today taken a country that does not belong to you? What has brought you to this land which is mine and not yours?"5
As I have pointed above and as I have discussed in my previous articles with respect to Emperors Tewodros and Yohannes, the Ethiopian politics under Menelik should be examined in the context of European hegemony and partition of Africa by European colonizers. Whether Menelik confided with the Italians and/or deliberately abandoned Eritrea could be more of academic exercise. Tangibly and tangentially, we know for a fact that Menelik denounced the Treaty of Wuchale, united Ethiopians against the colonizng Italian forces, and he led Ethiopia toward modernity via his vision and his inquisitive mind. This position of mine on Menelik is not novice, and this is what I scribbled about him in 1995 in my book ETHIOPIA: The Political Economy of Transition:
"Menelik was a brilliant and fascinating emperor who was endowed with an extraordinary insight to traditional wisdom of politics. He was ready to handle internal and external political matters properly. In the aftermath of his southern conquests, he adopted a variegated policy of administration. Though most of the south was allotted to his Amhara soldiers and the conquered lands were distributed among settlers or Neftegnas, he also recognized the importance of local chiefs of Balabats and hence appointed to paramount positions from among the conquered peoples. He continued Jimma’s internal autonomy and also appointed Muslims for highest offices wherever former principalities and sultanates existed.
Ethiopia under Menelik, with "clearly defined" national borders was to be administered from Addis Ababa, the geopolitical center of the Empire-state. Thus the creation of administrative regions and the appointment of governors directly accountable to Menelik necessitated running a centralized empire with some sense of control.
Menelik in effect laid the foundation of modern bureaucracy. As has been shown, Tewodros attempted to control and eliminate local powers by abolishing the grant of fiefs or Gult lands and appointing his own military officers, while Menelik’s answer to the problem was a bureaucratically centralized form of government.
Another more significant contribution is Menelik’s realization of the importance of modern infrastructure, education and health services in order to run his empire. Between 1897 and 1908, the telephone, telegraph, the Menelik modern hospital (first run by the Russian Red Cross), the Menelik modern school, electric lights, the Bank of Abyssinia (under the auspices of Egyptian administration) were introduced. For a better and efficient communication, roads were constructed and a Franco-Ethiopian railroad, though far from completion in Menelik’s lifetime, began its operation in 1894. The Arada Posta had also begun and Ethiopia became a member of the Universal Postal Union in the same year.
The achievements of Menelik were certainly brilliant. Centralized form of administration means an efficient way of running a government and at least laying the foundation for a relatively uniform system of economic life – uniform tax laws, regulation of trade and tariffs and tight control of customs. On the other hand, it means heavy burden on the subject peasantry; it means the entrenchment of feudalism in a more centralized way. The southern peoples were in particular subjected to all forms of exploitation and oppression. The feudal land tenure system was imposed upon them and the majority of the population was reduced to tenancy and serfdom." 6
It was during Menelik that modern Ethiopia began the use of money in commercial transaction (reminiscence of the Aksumite coin mints). Before Menelik struck his own coin (with his name and picture embossed on it), the Maria Theresa thalers were used for limited merchandizes in the market. The first Menelik’s coins (Grish) were first issued in 1894 in Paris; the second issue of Grish came out in 1897.
Money alone, however, could not be an effective medium of exchange unless it is supplemented by modern infrastructure. As mentioned above, Menelik ordered the construction of several roads and bridges including one bridge over the Abbay (Blue Nile) and a motor road from Addis Ababa to Addis Alem (newly built all-whether road); similar projects were undertaken in the Tegulet and Debre Libanos areas for the exploitation of coal that was then discovered. The first steam engines brought from Europe were also tried on the new pavements in and around Addis Ababa. As is shown above too, Menelik gave permission to Engineer Mussie Ilg to undertake and sign the contract for the construction of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa. The original plan of the railway construction, that was never realized, however, was meant to connect Entoto, Kaffa, and the White Nile.
Menelik was also the first Ethiopian monarch to introduce a government run by a cabinet of ministers with their respective ministries. In 1907, the bureau with official functionaries had begun in earnest and the following ministers were appointed:
Afenegus Nessibou, Minister of Justice
Fitewrari Habtegiorgis, Minister of War
Likemequas Ketema, Minister of Interior
Negadrs Hailegiorgis, Minister of Commerce and Foreign Affairs
Bejirond Mulugeta, Minister of Finance
Kentiba Waldetsadiq, Minister of Agriculture
Tsehafe Taezaz Gebreselassie, Minister of Pen
Qegnazmach Mekonnen, Minister of Public Works
Azaj Metaferia, Minister of Palace.7
And according to Tekeltsadiq Mekuria, there were two additional ministries that were established by proclamation but no ministers were appointed to these respective ministries: For the Ministry of Telephone, Lij Beyene Yimer was tentatively appointed; for the Ministry of Education, no minister was appointed at all.8 Although education was far from modern curricula during Menelik and a uniform national educational system was not established yet, the Emperor is credited for initiating co-education for the first Ethiopian schools. He was also a strong believer that education and religion are separate (not necessarily ‘separation of the state and religion’) and he emphatically warned the first French missionary teachers not to teach religion in the schools.
In an effort to transform Ethiopia via modern education, Menelik attempted to influence the conservative Ethiopians to change their attitude toward menial (manual) jobs and is believed to have issued proclamation on the dignity of labor as documented by Mahteme Selassie in his Zekre Neger:
"They [metalworkers, weavers, potters, etc] are in fact more important to the crown [than anyone]. Those whom you call traders and insult – they exchange goods we need. The indolent insult the wise. Looking down on people is due to lack of education. In faraway countries…they respect those called engineers. Workers prosper. They are not insulted for their profession. You who insult people, who use farm tools, turn my country barren. Insults to these people insults me, and those who do it will be imprisoned one year."9
The title of ‘Tsehafe Taezaz (literally ‘scribbler of orders’) is not novice to Ethiopian traditional political systems; all hitherto kings have had Tsehafe Taezaz (chronicler) whose main duty was to document events and dispatch royal proclamations. During Menelik, the portfolio of the Tsehafe Taezaz or minister of pen may have had conflicted or overlapped with the minister of palace whose duty was mainly the administration of the palace and who was in charge of the protocol.
By and large, Menelik was a very curios leader aimed at transforming Ethiopia. He knew very well about the progress achieved by Japan and he wanted to emulate the latter. He
also liked to try new innovations and was adventurous in some sense; it is believed that Menelik brought a bicycle to his palace and tried it in front of dignitaries and diplomats and fell six times before he begin to somewhat ride it properly. Robert Skinner, the American ambassador to Ethiopia appointed by Theodore Roosevelt, was one of the diplomats who witnessed Menelik’s curiosity and adventure in trying new consumer items.
Menelik was the first Ethiopian leader to introduce gramophones and cinematography, but the religious leaders kept them at bay for some time due to their vehement opposition. The latter perceived cinema as act of the devil; in fact, the first cinema hall (at the junction of Ghandi Street and Churchill Avenue was popularly known as Seytan Biet ( house of the devil). With respect to the opposition of the introduction of cinema by the priests, Menelik is believed to have said, "priests or no priests, I will see this thing." The first reel to be run was of a religious subject, showing Jesus walking on water, so the priests…though they wanted too, could not speak of the intervention of Satan. What a success! Menelik and Ras Mekonnen were most assiduous attending the cinema."10
There is time for everything, as they say! And one of the modernizing Ethiopian leaders, Emeye Menelik Aba Dagnew had to make the transition too. For the most part of his life – from his escape from Meqdella to wielding state power – and his political career, Menelik was perhaps the most fortunate and lucky leader in modern Ethiopian history in terms of scoring victories over Ethiopian enemies and relative enjoyment of longevity vis-à-vis his predecessors. But towards the end of his life, he was not so lucky. In 1909, he began suffering from blood poisoning and gastro-intestinal disease and by 1910 he was paralyzed and confined to his palace. On May 18 1909, cognizant of his incapacitation, Menelik ordered the official proclamation of his successor (Lij Eyasu) to be read for the public at JanMieda. The name of the successor, for no apparent reason, however, was not mentioned in the proclamation; Ethiopians in general and Addis Ababans in particular did not know who the successor was till October 28 1910 when Menelik himself (after recuperating from dumbness) ordered the reading of the proclamation at his palace and clearly revealing Lij Eyasu as his legitimate successor. A copy of the written proclamation, with a seal bearing the name of Emperor Menelik, was also sent to all regional administrators in Ethiopia. Menelik finally succumbed to his stroke and died on November 12, 1913.
The post-Adwa Ethiopian politics, however, is subject to interpretation. Eritreans of the times who joined hands with their Ethiopian brethren felt betrayed by Menelik when Eritrea was left intact for the Italian colonizers. Some chroniclers of oral tradition opined that ‘Menelik was genuinely scared by his erstwhile Tigrayan rivals and did not want to encourage the unity of greater Tigray.’ This may have a grain of truth, because as per Italian documents some Ethiopian forces have marched beyond Adwa to Gurae; others, including Dejach Sengal (brother of Bahata Hagos of Akeleguzai) went up to Belessa, and the forces of Ras Sebhat had effectively disconnected the communication networks of the Italians between Asmera and Adigrat. In spite of this reality, however, all of a sudden the bulk of Ethiopian troops assembled at Mai Feres were ordered to march back to Shewa and other parts of Ethiopia, or their respective regions such as Wello and/or Gojjam.
Interestingly, a letter written by Menelik on March 26, 1889 (in retrospect) is most fitting to the above interpretation of Menelik’s indecision to reclaim Eritrea:
"From: Menelik II of Shewa, Harar, Keffa, and the Galla Territories
To: The powerful and friend King Umberto
In Ginbot 1, 1881, a very tragic incident happened at Metema. The King of Kings Yohannes went there with the entire army to fight the Dervish but he was defeated, wounded and killed. In the meantime, till my messengers come to you along with Antonelli and till I confide to you what is in my guts, I beg you to convey a message to your generals at Massawa and instruct them not to listen to the rebels in Tigray, nor give them any military hardware. Let your Majesty’s troops consolidate at Asmera. I beg you to control and reinforce the roads by your defense forces. I have the audacity to tell you this, because by his grace God will grant me the throne to which I have a mandate and that I have wished to acquire for a long time now. It is also because He [God] will render Ethiopia peace and tranquility."4
But to be fair to Menelik, we must also acknowledge his stance, the exact opposite of what he wrote to King Umberto, against the Italians when they made initial advances from Massawa to Asmera:
"Were we not once friends? Why then have you today taken a country that does not belong to you? What has brought you to this land which is mine and not yours?"5
As I have pointed above and as I have discussed in my previous articles with respect to Emperors Tewodros and Yohannes, the Ethiopian politics under Menelik should be examined in the context of European hegemony and partition of Africa by European colonizers. Whether Menelik confided with the Italians and/or deliberately abandoned Eritrea could be more of academic exercise. Tangibly and tangentially, we know for a fact that Menelik denounced the Treaty of Wuchale, united Ethiopians against the colonizng Italian forces, and he led Ethiopia toward modernity via his vision and his inquisitive mind. This position of mine on Menelik is not novice, and this is what I scribbled about him in 1995 in my book ETHIOPIA: The Political Economy of Transition:
"Menelik was a brilliant and fascinating emperor who was endowed with an extraordinary insight to traditional wisdom of politics. He was ready to handle internal and external political matters properly. In the aftermath of his southern conquests, he adopted a variegated policy of administration. Though most of the south was allotted to his Amhara soldiers and the conquered lands were distributed among settlers or Neftegnas, he also recognized the importance of local chiefs of Balabats and hence appointed to paramount positions from among the conquered peoples. He continued Jimma’s internal autonomy and also appointed Muslims for highest offices wherever former principalities and sultanates existed.
Ethiopia under Menelik, with "clearly defined" national borders was to be administered from Addis Ababa, the geopolitical center of the Empire-state. Thus the creation of administrative regions and the appointment of governors directly accountable to Menelik necessitated running a centralized empire with some sense of control.
Menelik in effect laid the foundation of modern bureaucracy. As has been shown, Tewodros attempted to control and eliminate local powers by abolishing the grant of fiefs or Gult lands and appointing his own military officers, while Menelik’s answer to the problem was a bureaucratically centralized form of government.
Another more significant contribution is Menelik’s realization of the importance of modern infrastructure, education and health services in order to run his empire. Between 1897 and 1908, the telephone, telegraph, the Menelik modern hospital (first run by the Russian Red Cross), the Menelik modern school, electric lights, the Bank of Abyssinia (under the auspices of Egyptian administration) were introduced. For a better and efficient communication, roads were constructed and a Franco-Ethiopian railroad, though far from completion in Menelik’s lifetime, began its operation in 1894. The Arada Posta had also begun and Ethiopia became a member of the Universal Postal Union in the same year.
The achievements of Menelik were certainly brilliant. Centralized form of administration means an efficient way of running a government and at least laying the foundation for a relatively uniform system of economic life – uniform tax laws, regulation of trade and tariffs and tight control of customs. On the other hand, it means heavy burden on the subject peasantry; it means the entrenchment of feudalism in a more centralized way. The southern peoples were in particular subjected to all forms of exploitation and oppression. The feudal land tenure system was imposed upon them and the majority of the population was reduced to tenancy and serfdom." 6
It was during Menelik that modern Ethiopia began the use of money in commercial transaction (reminiscence of the Aksumite coin mints). Before Menelik struck his own coin (with his name and picture embossed on it), the Maria Theresa thalers were used for limited merchandizes in the market. The first Menelik’s coins (Grish) were first issued in 1894 in Paris; the second issue of Grish came out in 1897.
Money alone, however, could not be an effective medium of exchange unless it is supplemented by modern infrastructure. As mentioned above, Menelik ordered the construction of several roads and bridges including one bridge over the Abbay (Blue Nile) and a motor road from Addis Ababa to Addis Alem (newly built all-whether road); similar projects were undertaken in the Tegulet and Debre Libanos areas for the exploitation of coal that was then discovered. The first steam engines brought from Europe were also tried on the new pavements in and around Addis Ababa. As is shown above too, Menelik gave permission to Engineer Mussie Ilg to undertake and sign the contract for the construction of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa. The original plan of the railway construction, that was never realized, however, was meant to connect Entoto, Kaffa, and the White Nile.
Menelik was also the first Ethiopian monarch to introduce a government run by a cabinet of ministers with their respective ministries. In 1907, the bureau with official functionaries had begun in earnest and the following ministers were appointed:
Afenegus Nessibou, Minister of Justice
Fitewrari Habtegiorgis, Minister of War
Likemequas Ketema, Minister of Interior
Negadrs Hailegiorgis, Minister of Commerce and Foreign Affairs
Bejirond Mulugeta, Minister of Finance
Kentiba Waldetsadiq, Minister of Agriculture
Tsehafe Taezaz Gebreselassie, Minister of Pen
Qegnazmach Mekonnen, Minister of Public Works
Azaj Metaferia, Minister of Palace.7
And according to Tekeltsadiq Mekuria, there were two additional ministries that were established by proclamation but no ministers were appointed to these respective ministries: For the Ministry of Telephone, Lij Beyene Yimer was tentatively appointed; for the Ministry of Education, no minister was appointed at all.8 Although education was far from modern curricula during Menelik and a uniform national educational system was not established yet, the Emperor is credited for initiating co-education for the first Ethiopian schools. He was also a strong believer that education and religion are separate (not necessarily ‘separation of the state and religion’) and he emphatically warned the first French missionary teachers not to teach religion in the schools.
In an effort to transform Ethiopia via modern education, Menelik attempted to influence the conservative Ethiopians to change their attitude toward menial (manual) jobs and is believed to have issued proclamation on the dignity of labor as documented by Mahteme Selassie in his Zekre Neger:
"They [metalworkers, weavers, potters, etc] are in fact more important to the crown [than anyone]. Those whom you call traders and insult – they exchange goods we need. The indolent insult the wise. Looking down on people is due to lack of education. In faraway countries…they respect those called engineers. Workers prosper. They are not insulted for their profession. You who insult people, who use farm tools, turn my country barren. Insults to these people insults me, and those who do it will be imprisoned one year."9
The title of ‘Tsehafe Taezaz (literally ‘scribbler of orders’) is not novice to Ethiopian traditional political systems; all hitherto kings have had Tsehafe Taezaz (chronicler) whose main duty was to document events and dispatch royal proclamations. During Menelik, the portfolio of the Tsehafe Taezaz or minister of pen may have had conflicted or overlapped with the minister of palace whose duty was mainly the administration of the palace and who was in charge of the protocol.
By and large, Menelik was a very curios leader aimed at transforming Ethiopia. He knew very well about the progress achieved by Japan and he wanted to emulate the latter. He
also liked to try new innovations and was adventurous in some sense; it is believed that Menelik brought a bicycle to his palace and tried it in front of dignitaries and diplomats and fell six times before he begin to somewhat ride it properly. Robert Skinner, the American ambassador to Ethiopia appointed by Theodore Roosevelt, was one of the diplomats who witnessed Menelik’s curiosity and adventure in trying new consumer items.
Menelik was the first Ethiopian leader to introduce gramophones and cinematography, but the religious leaders kept them at bay for some time due to their vehement opposition. The latter perceived cinema as act of the devil; in fact, the first cinema hall (at the junction of Ghandi Street and Churchill Avenue was popularly known as Seytan Biet ( house of the devil). With respect to the opposition of the introduction of cinema by the priests, Menelik is believed to have said, "priests or no priests, I will see this thing." The first reel to be run was of a religious subject, showing Jesus walking on water, so the priests…though they wanted too, could not speak of the intervention of Satan. What a success! Menelik and Ras Mekonnen were most assiduous attending the cinema."10
There is time for everything, as they say! And one of the modernizing Ethiopian leaders, Emeye Menelik Aba Dagnew had to make the transition too. For the most part of his life – from his escape from Meqdella to wielding state power – and his political career, Menelik was perhaps the most fortunate and lucky leader in modern Ethiopian history in terms of scoring victories over Ethiopian enemies and relative enjoyment of longevity vis-à-vis his predecessors. But towards the end of his life, he was not so lucky. In 1909, he began suffering from blood poisoning and gastro-intestinal disease and by 1910 he was paralyzed and confined to his palace. On May 18 1909, cognizant of his incapacitation, Menelik ordered the official proclamation of his successor (Lij Eyasu) to be read for the public at JanMieda. The name of the successor, for no apparent reason, however, was not mentioned in the proclamation; Ethiopians in general and Addis Ababans in particular did not know who the successor was till October 28 1910 when Menelik himself (after recuperating from dumbness) ordered the reading of the proclamation at his palace and clearly revealing Lij Eyasu as his legitimate successor. A copy of the written proclamation, with a seal bearing the name of Emperor Menelik, was also sent to all regional administrators in Ethiopia. Menelik finally succumbed to his stroke and died on November 12, 1913.
Monday, January 22, 2007
"Dawn Of Freedom"
I finally got a copy of Dr. Berhanu Nega’s book entitled “yenesanet goh siked” (The Dawn of Freedom)
The book takes off with brief early political indoctrination of the author and elabo
rates the need and importance of liberal democracy in Ethiopia and explains in more details some of the problems and challenges of building democracy in Ethiopia. The book also talks about the election and the political attitudes of the ruling party and opposition groups before and after the election and much more....
For those of you who have rusty amharic comprehension like myself, you probably need to start reading it in a slow pace until you loosen up or get the hang of it. I would have liked if the book had a glossary of words and acronyms at the back or front of the book.
Nevertheless, Dr. Berhanu’s well thought, and well-written book has a power to captivate and emotionally to involves us, no matter what our political views and opinion are at the phenomenon in question.
I found his pragmatic and intelligent approach to the Ethiopian politics and especially his advocacy of non-violence struggle, very fascinating and morally very stimulating.
The book takes off with brief early political indoctrination of the author and elabo
rates the need and importance of liberal democracy in Ethiopia and explains in more details some of the problems and challenges of building democracy in Ethiopia. The book also talks about the election and the political attitudes of the ruling party and opposition groups before and after the election and much more....For those of you who have rusty amharic comprehension like myself, you probably need to start reading it in a slow pace until you loosen up or get the hang of it. I would have liked if the book had a glossary of words and acronyms at the back or front of the book.
Nevertheless, Dr. Berhanu’s well thought, and well-written book has a power to captivate and emotionally to involves us, no matter what our political views and opinion are at the phenomenon in question.
I found his pragmatic and intelligent approach to the Ethiopian politics and especially his advocacy of non-violence struggle, very fascinating and morally very stimulating.
It is a must read book !
Saturday, January 20, 2007
Happy Epiphany
ADDIS ABABA (AFP) - A sea of faithful resplendently dressed in white have filled the streets of the Ethiopian capital to celebrate the annual Epiphany, or the baptism of Jesus Christ.
Jubilant crowds from Addis Ababa's 13 Orthodox Churches descended on city streets for the religious ritual, locally known as "Timkat", marked on the 11th day of the fifth month in accordance with the Orthodox calender.
Making prayer pit-stops, the procession walked behind replicas of tablets of the Biblical Ten Commandments, removed once a year during the festival from the Ark of the Covenant -- the vessel in which the Commandments are believed to have been held and which the Orthodox church here maintains is located in Ethiopia.
Children, adorned in the national red, orange and green colours, walked alongside white-veiled adults as they belted out hymns and beat drums. The priests from the hexagonal churches and the monks and nuns wore their most ornate robes and habits.
"The message is, this is the feast of our faith, the baptism of our Lord Jesus Christ is for our own sake," said Abuna Paulos, the patriarch of the country's 35,000 Orthodox churches.
"When we speak about religion or about Christianity, we are speaking about peace," he told AFP.
Second only to Christmas in religious importance to Ethiopians, the festival attracts hundreds of thousands of faithful and tourists to Addis Ababa and is capped by a water drenching session to symbolise the baptism of Jesus Christ.
"The message is, this is the feast of our faith, the baptism of our Lord Jesus Christ is for our own sake," said Abuna Paulos, the patriarch of the country's 35,000 Orthodox churches.
"When we speak about religion or about Christianity, we are speaking about peace," he told AFP.
Second only to Christmas in religious importance to Ethiopians, the festival attracts hundreds of thousands of faithful and tourists to Addis Ababa and is capped by a water drenching session to symbolise the baptism of Jesus Christ.
According to the church's lore, Ethiopia's first emperor Menelik I took the Ark of the Covenant from Jews in Jerusalem because they had lost faith and were no longer observing God's commandments handed down to Moses on Mount Sinai.
Menelik I, the founder of the Ethiopian empire, is traditionally believed to be the son of the Biblical King Solomon and Queen Sheba.
He is said to have brought the Ark of the Covenant to Ethiopia after the destruction of Solomon's Temple and according to that legend, the Ark should be preciously conserved in the Axoum church north of the country.
At the festival, the tablets from the 13 Addis Ababa churches are placed in the middle of the crowd, which holds night-long prayers before the symbolic baptism.
The faithful seek out blessings from the priests, prostating themselves before crosses as women touch the grounds trodden by Abuna and touch their childrens' foreheads as a symbol of blessing to their offspring.
At dawn of the following day, Abuna plunges a giant cross in water to bless the crowd and later spray pipes are turned on to shower the swollen crowd of believers, the most faithful of whom will remain fully dressed for the dowsing.
Saturday, January 13, 2007
Cool Stuff
I don't know where I got this picture but it touched me so much, I had to post it on my blog.
It is one of those pictures which are so poignant and heartbreaking.
Jimma is said to be the capital city; the place where coffee originated from. What do you think if Starbucks names our coffee "Starbucks Jimma"
Check this cool Emperor Menelik era passport, this was the kind of passport they were using to travel around the globe back then..... Please click on the image to see what the passport looks like
Life's Simple Secret
Every morning in Africa, a gazelle wakes up, it knows it must run faster than the fastest lion or it will be killed. Every morning a lion wakes up. It knows it must out run the slowest gazelle or it will starve to death. It doesn't matter whether you are a lion or a gazelle, when the sun comes up, you better start running (African Proverb)
And so it goes for many of us in our day to day lives. Economic pressures, new technologies, globalization, demographic shifts and a host of other realities challenge us to keep pace in today's hectic life. updating our knowledge and continuous learning is one easy route we can take to manage this vast array of challenges and opportunities that confront us in our lives and in our work places.
And so it goes for many of us in our day to day lives. Economic pressures, new technologies, globalization, demographic shifts and a host of other realities challenge us to keep pace in today's hectic life. updating our knowledge and continuous learning is one easy route we can take to manage this vast array of challenges and opportunities that confront us in our lives and in our work places.
Friday, January 12, 2007
"Politics Is a Dirty Game "
I don't know who coined this wise saying and for what reason and when, but some how I am realizing this to be quite true these days; when I look in to our world politics in general and Ethiopian politics in particular.
I am from a generation of young men and women who had spend my formative years in a country where I and many of my generation of young people witnessed unimaginable form of injustice and crime being commited, and politically motivated killings was so rampant and was a day to day prevalence that almost slaughter my entire generation. I still have hard time coming in terms with this reality of the bygone years, and yet here we are again in a different epoch of our history but heading back to square one.
One of the biggest hurdles that attributed to the political catastrophes we had in the past as well as at present in our midst and that clearly stands out and very obvious is Intolerance.
We had all kinds of political groups in the past that couldn't solve their different political views in a civilized manner and nowadays we have appallingly too many kinds of political groups, liberation fronts which I can't even decipher their acronym. It seems all these groups they have in common is not the best interest of their people or country, but a yearning for power, sadly enough that is their common denominator. What a pathetic state of affair!
I am from a generation of young men and women who had spend my formative years in a country where I and many of my generation of young people witnessed unimaginable form of injustice and crime being commited, and politically motivated killings was so rampant and was a day to day prevalence that almost slaughter my entire generation. I still have hard time coming in terms with this reality of the bygone years, and yet here we are again in a different epoch of our history but heading back to square one.
One of the biggest hurdles that attributed to the political catastrophes we had in the past as well as at present in our midst and that clearly stands out and very obvious is Intolerance.
We had all kinds of political groups in the past that couldn't solve their different political views in a civilized manner and nowadays we have appallingly too many kinds of political groups, liberation fronts which I can't even decipher their acronym. It seems all these groups they have in common is not the best interest of their people or country, but a yearning for power, sadly enough that is their common denominator. What a pathetic state of affair!
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